The year 2026 marks a critical turning point for African football, as the Confederation of African Football (CAF) becomes mired in an unprecedented governance crisis. At the heart of this storm, President Patrice Motsepe faces accusations of systemic conflicts of interest related to his personal investments in Morocco, while the impartiality of the confederation's legal bodies is being fiercely questioned.

The Sanlam-Saham empire: Morocco as a financial pillar

Patrice Motsepe's economic ties to Morocco are no longer a secret, but their extent is now raising questions among observers of sports transparency. The South African billionaire reportedly operates primarily through his investment company , Ubuntu-Botho Investments (UBI) , which holds approximately 14.5% of Sanlam , the leading insurance company on the continent. In 2018, Sanlam made a strategic move by acquiring all of Saham Finances , a flagship Moroccan company founded by former minister Moulay Hafid Elalamy, for over a billion dollars. This transaction transformed Sanlam Morocco into a systemic player in the national financial market, effectively positioning Patrice Motsepe as an indirect economic partner of the Moroccan state, given that the insurance sector is tightly regulated by the local authorities in Rabat.

Motsepe's ambitions in the Kingdom now extend to the banking and technology sectors. Through its African Rainbow Capital (ARC) arm, it controls the GoTyme group (formerly TymeBank), which is deploying an aggressive technology integration strategy in Morocco in 2026. GoTyme is launching a co-branded Super-App integrating digital banking, credit, and insurance, aiming to convert millions of Moroccan policyholders into banking customers (using the Sanlam Maroc network as a "Trojan horse"?). To consolidate this position, the group invested in early 2026 in the Moroccan startup Woliz , a "Retail-Tech" platform connecting local grocery stores to the digital economy, potentially transforming every neighborhood shop into a financial service point for the Motsepe empire.

The Motsepe-Lekjaa axis: An explosive combination of functions

This interpenetration of football and business (and also politics) is embodied by Fouzi Lekjaa , whose influence within CAF is considered paramount. Mr. Lekjaa simultaneously holds the positions of Minister Delegate for the Budget in Morocco, President of the Royal Moroccan Football Federation (FRMF) , and Vice-President of CAF . This exceptional combination of roles creates a permanent ethical gray area: as minister, he manages state finances that subsidize sports infrastructure; as federation president, he defends the interests of the national team; and as a senior CAF official, he participates in decisions regulating continental football. For many observers, and not only in Senegal, this close relationship facilitates a phenomenon of "quid pro quo" where the awarding of major competitions to Morocco (2025 AFCON, Women's AFCON) seems correlated with the protection of commercial interests in the Kingdom (such as Sanlam and GoTyme). It is rumored that the African Rainbow Energy and Power (AREP) branch (belonging to… Motsepe) is closely monitoring Moroccan tenders in solar and wind power.

The Mosengo-Omba system: An "ultra vires" administration

Alongside these financial challenges, CAF is experiencing an internal administrative legitimacy crisis. An investigation by Jeune Afrique, published on November 28, 2024, revealed a system of "shadow management" in which Patrice Motsepe allegedly grants his Secretary General, Véron Mosengo-Omba, complete freedom. Mosengo-Omba is reportedly the subject of an internal audit report on suspicion of "conflicts of interest," "favoritism," and obstruction of governance processes. Even more seriously, the legal validity of his continued tenure is being challenged: his employment contract is said to have automatically expired at the end of October 2025, after he reached the age of 66, thus exceeding the regulatory limit of 63 plus the maximum extension stipulated by CAF statutes.

If confirmed, this situation would render legally null and void the administrative acts signed by Mr. Mosengo-Omba after that date. This is notably the case with the dismissal of Yassin Osman Robleh , Head of the Department of Judicial Bodies, notified on February 27, 2026. This dismissal, officially justified by a "restructuring," is denounced by Mr. Robleh as an arbitrary measure taken by a signatory no longer legally authorized to bind the institution. The timing of this dismissal, occurring in the midst of a legal battle over the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations final, suggests a desire to remove officials ensuring strict adherence to regulations in order to favor political decisions that benefit Morocco.

Senegal's appeal to the CAS: The "Truth on the Ground" at Stake

The CAF Appeals Board's decision to award Morocco the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations title by forfeit (3-0), despite Senegal having won on the pitch (1-0), represents the breaking point in this crisis. This ruling is deemed "legally indefensible" by sports law experts, as it violates the fundamental principle of Article 5 of the IFAB Laws of the Game and Article 6 of the CAF Disciplinary Code: referee decisions on matters related to the game are final once the match has ended. By transforming a game incident into a forfeit after the final whistle, the Appeals Board not only exceeded its jurisdictional prerogatives but also violated internal procedures stipulating that such a body can only rule on matters that are not yet final.

Senegal's appeal to the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) may also be based on allegations of undue influence and clear conflicts of interest within the body. The presence of Moez Nasri, president of the Tunisian Football Federation, on the appeals panel is thus highlighted as a major irregularity, as CAF regulations prohibit a sitting federation president from serving on such bodies to guarantee impartiality.

As it stands, it is not far-fetched to think that this decision is not the result of a rigorous regulatory analysis, but the illustration of an "institutional capture" aimed at protecting the host country and possibly, by extension, the economic interests of President Motsepe.

Senegal has several strong arguments to obtain the annulment of the appeals jury's decision before the CAS:

1. Violation of CAF procedures: The appeals jury can normally only rule on non-final cases, but the final whistle had blown and Senegal's victory had been confirmed.
2. The lack of legal basis for the forfeit: According to sports law experts, imposing a forfeit after the fact for an interruption of a match when it has resumed and ended is legally indefensible.
3. Undue influence and poor governance: Press investigations describe a system where CAF management is accused of "favoritism towards certain delegations" and obstruction of internal governance processes. The CAS, an independent body, is often rigorous in ensuring strict adherence to the statutes and the absence of conflicts of interest in decision-making.

The CAF Executive Committee meeting, scheduled for March 29, 2026 — which is expected to rule on the case of Véron Mosengo-Omba and the aftermath of the final — will determine whether CAF is capable of restoring independent governance or whether it remains hostage to private ambitions.

The CAS verdict in Lausanne, expected by June 2026 according to reports, will shed light on the situation. Not far from Lausanne, in Zurich (or rather Doha, according to its president), sits FIFA, accused of interference. The shadow of Gianni Infantino hangs heavily over the CAF headquarters in Cairo, to the point that many observers no longer consider the African body a sovereign organization, but simply a "sub-prefecture" of FIFA. We may return to this topic in a future article.

Amadou "Douk Kardastyle"

X @kardastyledon